For the assessment and contrast of nonsouthern lynching and lynching that is southern see Pfeifer, ed., Lynching beyond Dixie.

For the assessment and contrast of nonsouthern lynching and lynching that is southern see Pfeifer, ed., Lynching beyond Dixie.

For the scene that the western had not been particularly violent, see Robert R. Dykstra, The Cattle Towns (nyc, 1968).

For a characterization of this debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but using the assertion that frontier mayhem ended up being overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). For the argument that the frontier had been violent, however in particular means, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice within the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation associated with the reputation for homicide across American areas that looks at wider habits and local particularity, see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching customs; Gonzales-Day, Lynching into the West. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney xhamsterlive, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (summer time 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Black and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, plus the ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, therefore the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal associated with the Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and Arkansas that is northwest Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998) on a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci. For the full example of mob physical physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). On vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen, a great Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004). For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and northeastern lynchings, see “Appendix: Lynchings when you look at the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. The Lost Region: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013) for a recent assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck. Feimster, Southern Horrors. This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and Culture in the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed for an interpretation of women and children in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to Style. Pfeifer, 21–53.

On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama along with other southern states, see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching and also the Privileges of Race into the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Certainly simply Take my entire life; Bruce E. Baker, just What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory into the US Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great markings on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of Rough Justice, 81–87. For a interpretation that is recent of physical violence within the Reconstruction Southern, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, plus the United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For data documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free African Americans in the antebellum South, see “Lynchings of African Us americans within the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For the treatment that is synthetic of in US history that features discussion of this colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the usa (Lanham, 2011).

Nationwide Association for the development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in america. On methodological difficulties with lynching data, especially for the areas away from Southern, as well as on techniques for compiling a nationwide stock, see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging to a national Lynching Database: current Developments, ” Historical techniques, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues mixed up in quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence into the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I actually do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant since they are, may outweigh the advantages of counting US lynchings.

On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical violence in a context that is global see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. Regarding the community that is norwegian collective murder of a Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their household in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching physical physical violence against African Us citizens was a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other kinds of collective physical violence in structural terms across worldwide countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a global Perspective (nyc, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.

For the argument that U.S. Lynching within the long nineteenth century paralleled prolific lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as an essential episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. This is simply not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical physical physical violence among these cultures that are respective. For contrasting interpretations of present Latin American linchamientos, see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: methods for Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in present years over the diverse elements of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Own Hands: Lawless Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).

Author records

I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, as well as a reviewer that is anonymous their responses on a youthful form of this essay.